IV. The converse
case--tectonic quiescence and religious character
Having established that 1) initiation of religions tends to occur along
seismically active loci, 2) reform of religion is typically catalyzed by
seismic events, and 3) continuing evolution of religion can be strongly shaped
by active tectonic environments, religion tending to become more complex and
even manipulative in these environments, it’s time to look at converse
cases. The most important such
case is the character of religions in tectonically quiescent environments.
A first glance at the distribution of pre-colonial endemic religions
in tectonically quiescent continents suggests that religions there are indeed
very different from those along plate-tectonic boundaries. These are (or were) preferentially the
sites of comparatively simple religions in the huge quiescent parts of Africa,
Australia, and the Americas. Perhaps
this section should be short.
Of course religious simplicity can be in the eyes of the
(pith-helmeted?) observer, and most world religions can be seen as simple in
comparison to those with such elaborations as original sin, etc. The literature on “primitive” religions
actually reveals a large number of variables. Animism for example has been considered primitive, but
modern attitudes embrace some forms of animism.
However, the disparity apparent with distribution of tectonic vs.
quiescent religions is too great to be explained by relativistic
arguments. It’s obvious, which is
fortunate as I’m not qualified to make subtle distinctions.
What is the meaning of simple(r) religion? Stasis is probably part of the answer, and of course stasis
of any sort is difficult to maintain along tectonically active loci. Stasis for
many simple religions in tectonically quiescent locales can be demonstrated
archaeologically, though migration can complicate the picture. In many cases
migration may change religious forms without obviously changing complexity.
It is true that many of the simple(r) religions are in simpler
cultures, and cultural stasis is known to be associated with cultural
simplicity (Force 2015 including chapter 13). In this regard the exceptions and outliers of my
continent-scale observation are interesting, as they reveal divergences between
religious and other cultural responses to tectonic activity vs.
quiescence. They can be used to
test my stasis hypothesis.
The outliers (not exceptions per se) are tectonically-active loci with
simpler religions, some in complex cultures. Perhaps the most obvious example is Shintoism in Japan,
traditionally said to be animistic.
However, one of the roots of Shinto “animism” regards volcanoes; such
veneration goes back to the Kofun period (ca. AD 500; Barnes, in press) when
ritual offerings to volcanoes are known.
Clearly Shintoism differs from other “simple” religions in reflecting
its tectonic environment. In
tectonically active Mesoamerica (Plunkett and Urunuela 2005) and many other
tectonically active localities both ancient and modern, complex and “simple”
(Balmuth et al. 2005, Grattan and Torrence 2007), volcano veneration is a part
of traditional religions. But the
Shinto outlier shows that apparent religious simplicity in a complex culture
can be profound in relation to tectonic environment.
Another very different type of outlier is exemplified by California
Indians. I have no explanation
either in cultural or religious terms.
Somewhat similar outliers are numerous all over the SW Pacific (e.g.
Chester and Duncan 2007). Remember,
however, that my hypothesis does not claim that simple religions are RESTRICTED
to quiescent tectonic environments, hence these examples are outliers, however
educational.
True exceptions take the form of complex religions in tectonically
quiescent locales. Proper documentation would seem to involve original areas of
evolution, since the simpler religions tend to be endemic. Thus an apparent
example of such a true exception is ancient Egypt. I will not claim that Egypt’s religion was simple, but
certainly once established it became static. Only once was its stasis interrupted, and stasis was soon
restored.
The modern world is full of examples of complex religions in
tectonically quiescent terranes, but most of these are post-colonial. When these examples are subtracted,
exceptions still remain; possibly the most obvious is northern
Europe--Christian but quiescent.
However, Christianity has its roots in tectonically-active SW Asia and
spread into Europe via tectonically-active routes, only then spreading into
quiescent terrane. At this point
Christianity became theologically static for over a thousand years. So stasis may result where big
religions spread away from tectonically active origins.
Our exploration of converse cases thus far shows few (but revealing)
exceptions to the generalization that tectonically quiescent areas tend to have
simpler and/or static endemic religions.
Religious stasis seems a sufficient reason that quiescent areas
generally lack(ed) complex religions, as stasis has prevented evolution. As we have seen in previous sections,
tectonic activity has not permitted religious stasis. But religions that originate in tectonically active terrains
may become static when they spread beyond those terrains.
Comments to ejforce@aol.com or
this site are welcome!
References
Balmuth, M. S. et al., eds. 2005. Cultural Responses to the Volcanic
Landscape: the Mediterranean and Beyond.
Boston:Archaeological Institute of America, Colloquia and Conference
papers #8.
Barnes, G. L., in
press, Ritualized beadstone in Kofun-period society: East Asia Journal,
accessed at https://soas.academia.edu/GinaBarnes
Chester, D. K. and Duncan, A. M. 2007. Geomythology, theodicy, and
the continuing relevance of religious worldviews in response to volcanic
eruptions. In Living Under the
Shadow, edited by J. Grattan and R. Torrence, p. 203-224: Walnut Creek, Left Coast Press.
Force, E. R., 2015, Impact of tectonic activity on ancient
civilizations—recurrent shakeups, tenacity, resilience, and change: Lexington
Grattan, J., and
Torrence, R., eds., 2007, Living Under the Shadow: Walnut Creek, Left Coast
Press.
Plunkett, P. and Urunuela,
g. 2005, Cultural responses to risk and disaster: an example from the slopes of
Popocatapetl volcano in central Mexico, in Balmuth et al., eds., p. 109-126.
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